ࡱ> {xyz} bjbj :F 8.f$8Jdtv_"Lnnn$$$^^^^^^^$acb_E#|l$|EE_nl0_OOOE8nRn^OE^OO"OnPԖKO^F_0v_O dM dOOL dP$< $0O*8l>G$$$__wNB$$$v_EEEE d$$$$$$$$$  :  The Routes Project  National Report on Migration CNFETP (FR)  French National Report on the History of Migration Frederic Rousselle / Marika Kovacs CNFETP Lille, France e-mail:  HYPERLINK "mailto:p.europeen@gmail.com" p.europeen@gmail.com Website:  HYPERLINK "http://www.cnfetp-lille.com" www.cnfetp-lille.com 1. Historical Data Two hundred years of immigration have made France a land of many peoples and cultures. They are many reasons for leaving: political, economic and cultural. France as a country of choice is a response to an attraction linked to a long history between the countries, geographical proximity, fleeing in an emergency, choosing freedom and above all the opportunity to find work. So emigrating is a phenomenon related to factors outside control of the individual but which, however is experienced on an individual level. Since the mid-nineteenth century France was a country of immigration. With the industrial revolution, but also the transport, these migrations became a huge phenomenon, and France, apart from the countries of the New World became one of the main land of immigration countries. In 1891, France already has more than one million foreigners (the very term of immigrant will be used only after the Second World War). Over 90% of these foreigners come from bordering countries. Belgium first until the early twentieth century, then Italy. Most are peasants who seek work and will constitute the basis of proletariat. Unlike many European countries, France does not found in its own people enough to meet the needs of labour required for the continent's second largest industry, or even for farm work. The reason is twofold: the French attachment to their countries and the demographic peculiarity that is very Malthusian. Some immigration networks are organized then, and there are foreigners in various sectors. In times of economic crisis, they are often the subject of a genuine collective hatred (lynching are no exception like the Italians in Aigues Mortes in 1893). And yet, the France can not do without this workforce and especially the demographic contribution that immigrant families constitute. Family immigration will be favoured. In 1889, France finally installs the concept of jus soli (the right of the soil). With the First World War, many workers (nearly 200 .000) and fighters (nearly 500,000) from colonies of Africa and Asia, will lend a hand to the metropolitan France. Most of them will return home after the conflict, well aware of the gap between their subjection and the values of the Republic. After the quotas established but the New Worlds countries in the 1920s, France became the first country of immigration in the world. The foreign population accounts for 7% of the total population, that is to say 3 million people. We must rebuild, and the carnage of the First World War further strengthens even more the need for workforce. Italian immigration is no is not enough any longer, and as well as refugees leaving the fascist regimes, the France recruits heavily in Poland. This wave of immigration played a decisive role in the history of the country, providing an unprecedented demographic contribution. The crisis in the 1930s will see numerous expulsions (trains full of Polish will leave Northern France). Some occupations will not be allowed to refugees (doctors, craftsman, merchants). Xenophobia and anti-Semitism culminating in the regime of Vichy. After the Second World War, the need for cheap labourers remains considerable. The country must be rebuilt. Economic growth will that will follow requires workforce, France "imports massively its skilled workers (OS) : the immigration is both massive and chaotic (20,000 Portuguese in 1954, 760,000 in 1975). The National Office of Immigration that was created in 1945, in charged of the exclusive recruitment of immigrant labour is completely overtaken by the events. Immigration and colonization / decolonization are also becoming increasingly intertwined. The free movement of French Muslims of Algeria (FMA) in 1947 becomes a problem from 1954 events but also the independence of Algeria in 1962. Moreover, the social issues are added: they are poor and live in real slums, whereas the standards of French people are improving. Social measures must be taken. The oil crisis of 1973 and the end of economic growth, the European integration will increase even more the notion of European and non European. The migration of southern Europe has largely decreased, while migration from Asia and Africa was increasing (political refugees from Southeast Asia for example). The resistance to this new migration intensifies in the population. The cultural differences are perceived as a threat, leading to a kind of decline of identity as often in times of crisis. French society nowadays suffers from a problem of discrimination reinforced by the conjunction between extra European origin and the most underprivileged. The situation of the neighbourhoods (suburbs) is the most blatant example. 1.1 Historical References 1.1.1. 1851-1914 France is the first country of immigration after the "new countries". 1889 : Nationality Act establishes the law of ground (jus soli) accompanied with an obligation to be French for children born in France of foreign parents who themselves were born in France. 1880-1890: Numerous clashes between foreign workers and nationals. In August 1893, eight Italians were killed and about fifty others wounded in the salt of Aigues-Mortes. 1851 1866: The foreign population doubles (381.000 to 655.000) 1872 - 1886: The foreign population to doubles again. It reached 1.2 million people, which will remain stable until 1914. 1.1.2. 1914 1918 First World War France massively called the workers and soldiers from its colonial empire: About 200,000 workers (over a third from Algeria, but also in Indochina and China ...) and 500,000 soldiers. More than 200,000 other foreign workers joined the plants and fields in France 1917: Creation of an identity card for foreigners. 1.1.3. 1919 1939 Economic Expansion and Crisis Recruitment policy and selection of immigrants. France needs labour in heavy industry and agriculture Migrations from the borders have been supplanted by a larger scale migration (eg Poland: in ten years, 500,000 Poles are recruited to replace miners died in combat). France becomes the "greatest country of immigration in the world," according to an economist of the time. In the late 1920s, it has 3 million immigrants. 1927 Nationality Act. It facilitates naturalization. 1929: La France is affected by the crisis. Quotas Policy in Industry (Departures, expulsions) and closure of certain occupations not allowed to foreigners. France receives a new class of foreigners : political refugees such as : Russians expelled by the Bolsheviks, Armenians escaping Turkish repression, anti-Franco Spanish, anti-fascists Italians and anti-Nazi fascists Germans. 1.1.4. 1940 1944 Vichy France (French State) The France's policy is xenophobic and anti Semitic : internment camps, delivery to the enemy the foreign opponents and contribution to the genocide of Jews. 1.1.5. 1945 1973 Reconstruction and the thirty-year boom period after WWII Economic Expansion Companies rely heavily on the workforce of immigrants of origin. Migrants come more and more from the Maghreb, and from the "future / former colonies. 1947: Free movement of "French Muslims of Algeria" 1954 - 1962: War in Algeria France enters the period of decolonization. Between 1962 and 1965, France has the highest immigration rate never reached. 1.1.6. Since 1973 Mastery of migratory flux Only foreigners involved in family reunification and asylum seekers who have obtained the refugee status (110,000 Indochinese between 1975 and 1980) are allowed to settle in France. 1985: France enters the Schengen area. Enhancement of the distinction between Europeans and noneuropeans. Marginalization of some suburban neighbourhoods. 1.2 Historical link between two countries: the example of France and Algeria. Algeria knew for over 130 years the French presence. Algiers was taken in 1830, and from that date, France made Algeria its only colony of "settlement". In 1962, more than a million settlers, descendants of settlers (pied noirs: French colonial born in Algeria) lived there, and 9 million of FMA (French Muslims from Algeria). Many of these settlers were descended from these same immigrant families (Spain ...) settled to "emphasize" the Algerian soil. Algeria had a special status: it was part of the city (three departments), but the FMA did not have the same rights as settlers. The Algerian immigration began early in the twentieth century. Some workers came mostly from Kabylia worked in Marseille (refineries ...) or in the mines of the Nord and Pas-de-Calais or industries in Clermont Ferrand and Paris. In 1914, there are approximately 14 000 Algerians in France. During World War I, France appeals to its colonies. Nearly 80,000 workers and 175,000 soldiers come from Algeria. Those who are not on the front are employed in vital sectors necessary to the war effort. Most of them will be repatriated after the war, but the migration flux will resume soon. We must rebuild and overcome the carnage the conflict was. The Kabylians always still compose the majority of immigrants, but many workers also come from the north-west of Oran. In 1939, there are approximately 100,000 Algerians in France. The Algerians are also numerously involved to the Second World War, particularly in the Army of Africa, initiated in Tunisia, Italy and at the Battle of France. From 1945, work migrations resume, encouraged by the colonial administrators, and the population explosion and poverty. In 1947 the free movement of FMA was introduced. Some years, the flow exceeds that of Italy that was so far the majority. They are directed towards the most difficult labour market areas and towards jobs for skilled workers. Supply offices were overwhelmed as the result huge slums appear, comparable to the belt of slums for immigrants in the 1920s. Immigrants are often taken back to their alien status, and "working class". The war in Algeria (1954 - 1962) puts special emphasis on these migrants. Following the Evian agreements of 1962, three types of immigrants come from Algeria: the largest numerically is that of former settlers (returnees, or Pieds Noirs), French citizens in their own right, but living a brutal uprooting, the Harkis (Algerian soldiers loyal to the French during the Algerian War of Independence) (approximately 90,000) who served in the French army and was forced to flee Algeria, most were herded into camps and the workers, who become de facto foreign workers during the independence. With the war in Algeria an image of the rebellious and threatening Algerian who denied France appears. The "rat hunts" (raton racist term applied to North Africans in France) are increasingly a newsmaker, and because of their propagation the Algerian government decided to suspend emigration in May 1973, just before the oil crisis. Immigration takes up again in the years 1990-2000, but it is different from previous ones. It is also the continuation of labour immigration (economic problems in Algeria), but also an immigration related to the tragedy of the 90s in Algeria. Many of these immigrants are exiles: surgeons, doctors, journalists ..., executives who leave the country, a real brain drain, and elites. Today, the descendants of these immigrants, some of those "second and third generation, are mostly French nationality. For instance Zinedine Zidane, one of the favourite French personalities. But along with this example, there is still a very strong discrimination (including employment and housing) to those "originating from North Africa that poses a major issue in French society today, the principle of equality, but also that of integration 1.3 The economic, cultural, political, social Immigration Immigration had very soon a twofold goal: to meet a workforce demand is growing both in agricultural work and the industry, but also to answer a very "Malthusian demography" still aggravated the true population drain because of the First World War. The participation of this workforce in the country's economy was huge. In northern France, for example, one of the major industrial regions, Poles account for nearly a third of the mining workforce, and the Belgians one-quarter of the staff of the textile industries in the early 1930s. They are Moroccan minors who were responsible for closing the last wells in this region in the 1990s. Another example, again in the 1930s, in the Alpine and Mediterranean departments, the Italians provide half the workers in construction, earthmoving and quarrying. The reconstruction after the Second World War and the economic prosperity of the thirty-year boom period after WW 2 rested also on the influx of immigrant labour. Culturally, these workers have brought some of their customs, lifestyles which sometimes make them be regarded as "other" invasive "not being assimilated" and often in times of economic difficulties, considered as real scapegoat catalysts of rejection and anxiety induced by the state nation: misappropriation of national wealth and work for their own benefit, insecurity and loss of French culture. The far-right parties made them one of their key issue whatever the period (1930 or 1980 for example). Today, some awareness begins to emerge on the role played by immigrants in the national history. The recent opening of the Cit Nationale de lhistoire de lImmigration in Paris is a good example. Its purpose is to collect, preserve, develop and disseminate evidence and sources relating to the history and culture of immigration in France. Its objective is also to contribute to the recognition of the process of integration of immigrants into French society, and to change the looks and attitudes on immigration in France http://www.histoire-immigration.fr/. If we take the example of the Algeria, Benjamin Stora, the question "what are the main contributions of immigration to Algeria and France? the writers response is: For Algeria, the contribution of immigration is primarily economic. There is a huge transfer of currency. There has been an area of financial outstanding extremely powerful between the two countries for the past half a century. It is very important. Second aspect: immigration is also a way of important cultural movement for Algeria in particular through the French language. It is through immigration that the French language continues to exist in Algeria, not just by the television as it is too often said but it is through immigration. There is a third aspect: people born in France of Algerian origin who benefit the Algerian economy because of their expertise, particularly in SMEs, SMIs. This trend that has been observed since 2000 and is still increasing. For France, the contributions of Algerian immigration are primarily social, because Algerian workers who arrived in 20.30 years were mostly peasants and workers. There is a contribution of labour. There is a cultural contribution from the years 60-70 through intellectuals among whom some of them had emigrated in the 50s: Kateb Yacine for example. Intellectuals will appear in the 70s, they will animate the French cultural life, Assia Djebar, Mohamed Dib. The cultural contribution is mainly literature but there is also films such as the director, Nadir Mokneche who made important films to show Algeria to the French public. (Interview available in its entirety on the website:  HYPERLINK "http://www.tsa-algerie.com/politique/trois-questions-a-benjamin-stora-sur-l-immigration-algerienne" http://www.tsa-algerie.com/politique/trois-questions-a-benjamin-stora-sur-l-immigration-algerienne 1.4. Source - Elements of bibliography David Assouline, Lallaoui Mehdi (Editor): A century of immigration in France. Paris, Syros, 1996-1997, 3 volumes. White-Chalard Marie-Claude. Immigration history. Paris, discovered in 2001. Philippe Dewitte: two centuries of immigration in France. Paris, the French literature in 2003. Dewitte, Philippe (Editor) Immigration and integration: the state of knowledge, the discovery in 1999. Yves Lequin (Editor): history of foreign immigration in France, Paris, Larousse 2006 Noiriel Gerard: Atlas of immigration in France: Exclusion, integration ... Paris, Autrement, 2002. Noiriel Gerard: The French melting pot, immigration history nineteenth-twentieth century. Paris, Le Seuil, 1988, red.2006 Janine Ponty: Immigration in the texts: France 1789 2002 Paris, Belin 2004. Abdelmalek Sayad: The dual absence: the illusions of the emigrant to the suffering of the immigrant. Paris, Le Seuil 1999 Benjamin Stora, Temime Emile immigration: immigration to France in the twentieth century. Paris, Hachette Literature 2007 2. A regional example: immigration in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, from the beginning of the 20th century to nowadays: History, settling and prospects (Bruno Laffort) 2.1 Immigration in northern regions of France The Nord/Pas-de-Calais region constitutes one the two richest grounds of immigration with the Eastern region. It is not so easy to tackle in few lines the history of immigration with a capital H since it echoes so many chapters of the history of France politically, socially an economically. In a first part, we suggest to depict briefly this huge panorama on a chronological plane, up to the beginning of the 1970s that indicates the end of work immigration, the corolla of this being the beginning of a lasting settling. In a second part, we will bring up this immigration rather from a sociological viewpoint so as to see its evolution within French society. In a third part, finally, we will discuss on the current immigration, its changes and developments. As a conclusion, we will propose some ideas to contribute to the creation of a real policy on immigration in Europe, which is non existent today and not as it is currently the case based exclusively on the whole repressive system. 2.2 A century of labour immigration in the region (from 1870 to 1975) All traditional immigration, that is to say mainly economic started with a close relationship with the host country (we shall see that it is no longer the case today), Geographical proximity at the beginning (this was the case for Belgians, Poles, Spaniards and Italians), broader proximity of a historical type, cultural or because of the language, especially for countries such as France or the United Kingdom that had some former colonies. As for France, it is the Maghreb and in a lesser extent, West Africa. 2.3 The immigration of Belgians: from the beginning of the Industrial Revolution to World War I. The first immigration in the region was formed by the Belgians, especially in the border towns of Roubaix-Tourcoing, where the textile industry required a large workforce. For example, in 1872, there were 42,000 Belgians in Roubaix in 75,000 people. In the early 20th century, we find also Belgians in the mining area located mainly in the department of Pas-de-Calais. Until 1910, they constitute the bulk of foreign labour in coal mines. This Belgian immigration, both in mining and textiles, is essentially individual, although in 1890 the mining companies will start to go and recruit workers in Belgium. Thus, on the eve of the First World War, the region Nord / Pas-de-Calais is one of the French regions where the proportion of foreigners is the most important one. The Belgians are almost all foreigners: 97 to 99%. We can already note the presence of hundreds of Italians (800 in the 1911 Census) or Algerians: 1,500 people from Kabily were present in the mining area, 900 were hired in Courrires after the disaster of 1906 for the hardest and most dangerous work. 2.3.1. The Poles At the end of the war, the needs of labor force related to the reconstruction will increase. In 1919 an agreement was signed between France and Poland and two immigration centres opened in Poland. In 1931, there were already 192,000 Polish miners in the region. In1936, a minor in three is Polish. Contrary to some popular belief that the practice of one religion from the country of origin and the host country Catholic in this case - would favour the integration; the Polish case reminds us that things are more complex. Indeed, the Poles will build their own churches - where the liturgy is given in Polish - but also their own businesses and associations. Finally, the latter were not spared racism and ostracism; with the economic crisis of the 30s a strong xenophobic feeling rises, that will lead to the expulsion of many Poles. After the end of World War II, other Polish - between 50,000 and 80,000 - will return, this time voluntarily, in their country to follow and participate in the building of socialism. But for a majority of them, the idea of returning diminishes to reduce and shrink away as indeed in all immigrations. 2.3.2. Italians The Italians are coming from the 20s, but especially after 1945, following bilateral agreements on workforce, still to get down the coals pits in the region. These Italians come from - as is often the case the poorest agricultural regions of the Peninsula: South, but also Sardinia and Sicily. 2.3.3. Algerians and Moroccans The Algerian immigration began slowly at the beginning of the century and will involve mostly men from Kabylia, who also take the road to the mine. A second wave will take place after the Second World War for the Algerians, this wave will be interrupted in 1954 after the start of "the events" leading to the war of Algeria. The colliery will move towards the Moroccans. The arrival of Moroccans in the early 60s marks the end of the last large immigration flows. Following an agreement signed between the two countries in 1963, the Moroccans will be directly recruited in Morocco to work in mines and face some difficulties in production before the scheduled closure of wells, the last one being closed in 1990. They are Moroccans who therefore "closed the mines, and who will still fight for, ultimately, the minor status that provides some social benefits such as lifetime housing", coal during the winter or a specific health service (medical care). 2.4 The beginning of a lasting dwelling If 1974 marks the theoretical case of labour migration in France, it continues by other means: family reunification, students, asylum seekers and people who migrate without being in order from a strictly legal perspective, described as "undocumented people". The family reunification led to a balance between men and women and allows the feminization of immigration and to think about his lasting presence, particularly for children who are born on French territory and who do not think to "go home". Alongside these migrations that continue, these sons of immigrants - Poles, Moroccans and Algerians essentially - have grown up and want to "break the invisibility in which their parents were stationed. It is also the time when parents who have always lived with the idea of returning, slowly begin to give it up. Some consider, therefore buying a house in France to leave the public housing neighbourhoods of relegation. The only question that apparently is not yet on the agenda is the "final return", it is still considered by most as a possible achievement that can take place in the "country". Today, the two largest groups in the region and that are equal are the Algerians and Moroccans, although the counting is always arbitrary. Remember that foreigners who are born on French soil become French at age 18 and lots of naturalizations - especially among Moroccans - allow these foreigners of yesterday to become French today. The history of this immigration remained invisible for a long time, doubly forgotten in the history books: both returned to its status of "foreign" and "working class". 2.5 Multiple and diverse identity returns. The longest established migratory groups will experience a "professional and geographic scattering, but also that marriage will lead them to emerge gradually from their belonging groups. As such, the formation of mixed couples, numerous in all groups - Poles, Italians, Algerians and Moroccans, are empirical evidence that show that France does not work on a community model, even if "integration in the French way is far from perfect and is undergoing many breaches.. Thus, "the representatives of the second or third generation, become transparent, a number of them get an access to a socio-economic position often more desirable than primary migrants. However, this integration does not exclude the "identity returns, even among groups where it was the least expected, like the Poles of the" third generation who were "very active in the creation of a House of Polishness in Dourges (small mining town in the basin) and that were successful finally! - that the Polish language can be taught as a living language in the College of Lievin, city center of the old mining area of Pas-de - Calais. We have to keep in mind that the Poles and the Italians have not been spared the stigma, as remain traces in the current language dubbing them respectively "Polacks" and "Spaghetti". France discovered in the early 80's its "suburbs" that are gradually transformed from ghetto housing in ethnic ghettos, with the failure of the "urban policy" and social diversity, huge projects that got started but never completed, particularly in the Nord / Pas-de-Calais region, which in 1980 had the largest number of "sensitive" districts and falling under the umbrella of "the city policy. These latter will headingly suffer the fresh outbreak of the renewed economic crisis in the former industrial areas of the region (Basin Dunkirk Community of Roubaix-Tourcoing, Sambre basin, ...), economic crisis that will not fail to exploit the National Front party which will hit between 1990 and 2000, his best scores in the region. In 1983, the first "walking Beurs" which follows several altercations between youth and police are asking for more recognition and visibility in the social space. This march will be followed by other movements in the following years, but will run out steam after being picked up by political parties, the Socialist party in front. The latest arrivals acting, as always - and in all societies as the "scapegoats", this "identity return" will be formalized unfortunately in a more confrontational way for the North Africans. Finally, with the death of ideology in the South - including Marxism - the return of Islam in the Maghreb in France will earn in France a greater legitimacy where it will serve as a crutch to a population suffering from discrimination, particularly in the access to employment, employment which we know is just the best vehicle for integration. In the HLM (council housing estate) districts neighbourhoods, Lille is not spared by these " identity returns " of young people facing unemployment and discrimination, even if these movements are more developed in Roubaix and Tourcoing - cities of more traditional working class - which a greater proportions of population of North African origin can be found. In Lille, modern Islam is struggling to find its place despite the creation of a large mosque and the Avicenna Institute, first private institute of higher education in France of Islamic sciences. 2.6 A biased debate Focusing on the youth of North African origin and its corollary, on the discussions that are supposed to be connected to it more or less - Islam, headscarf, insecurity, etc.. is a shortened and simplified vision, too often perpetuated by the media. This view hides the very real, a whole population of North African origin who has - as before the Poles and Italians - integrated, both socially and professionally. Islam itself is in the process of secularization, though the Muslim-secular struggle to express their voice, often being a reluctant to openly criticize Islam, preferring ultimately support in half tint to their "community". The famous "law on the headscarf" initiated by Jacques Chirac is a good example: it was criticized by scholars of North African origin of the left wing because according to them, it tended to ostracize the Muslim community. To distance oneself from this debate, it is interesting to examine the North African immigration in Lille in the 90s, constituted in its huge majority by students especially Moroccans - and graduates of higher education. In a long research, we could show that this new immigration was just far from the stereotype that "clings to the skin" of North African immigration. Mixed couples, especially among children of Algerian immigration, grow as well in women as men and are now parts of the "landscape" of Lille. 2.7 A new figure of the immigrant in the region, born with closed borders: that of "undocumented" The European construction, with the fall of the Berlin Wall was finally wide open to the east rather than to the south and has not yet taken the step to include Turkey that has been knocking at the door of the Union for decades. This construction takes place with a desire to further close the borders to those who have no chance "of being among it ". Consequently, far from discouraging people to come, it seems rather encouraging them: contrarily to what is commonly thought, the more the noose is tightened, the more the migration pressure increases The arrivals will therefore be intensified, but through the back door, that is to say, without obtaining prior agreement of the authorities. These arrivals will also involve - beyond a majority of men - women and children who leave their country too, less perhaps prompted by poverty than attracted by a globalization that over sell" our consumer societies. After THE early struggles of undocumented migrants in Paris in 1996 and with the arrival of Jean-Pierre Chevnement in the Home Office Ministry, a Committee to assist undocumented migrants is created in Lille, named soon by all as the 'CSP 59' (Comit des Sans Papiers) (Undocumented migrants Committee). This movement, the most structured one in France, still remains the main interlocutor of the prefecture at the negotiations level and regularizations. Yet today, if the most massive arrivals of "undocumented" are conducted from the Maghreb to the isles of the Mediterranean or Atlantic belonging to EU countries (Malta, Canary Islands), the region Nord / Pas-de-Calais retains specificity due to its proximity with the United Kingdom. It is the arrival of many Afghans, Iraqis and Kurds fleeing the war and visiting the United Kingdom, through the port of Calais. The closure of Sangatte center run by the Red Cross has only deteriorated the living conditions of hundreds of people forced to erect makeshift tents while waiting for an underground passage to England. Once again, the profile of these new immigrants is diverse and includes many children. This Jungle was close in September 2009 by the Immigration Minister, Eric Besson, without seeking to establish a substantive solution. The immigration of Romanians which is the poorest ones- mostly Gypsies - has also intensified throughout Europe and in the region of Nord / Pas-de-Calais in particular. 2.8 Conclusion To conclude, the immigrant of today is not any more yesterday's. Traditional host countries which were selected because of relations of proximity - geographical, cultural or linguistic - are now being undermined, rightly accused of closing their borders so outrageously. Migrants no longer come as yesterday, recruited in their own country, or virtually assured of finding a job at their arrival. They embark on an adventure often very dangerous, some risking their lives, without knowing in advance what will be the country of arrival, the time of their journey and how they finally arrive to "escape". In this sense we can say that globalization has a very ambiguous picture of attraction / repulsion between the image of Epinal for those who finally " succeed after long years of pain and increased uncertainty for many of them who have to wait for months or years that their situation is regularized, when they are not sent back by main force in their country of origin. Finally, we wish to collectively reflect on this idea, because we do not have easy solutions: the more borders in Europe are closed, the more they seem to attract ever more immigrants who seem to want to return by all means, including risking their lives. When the French borders used to be more permeable and visas easier to obtain 15 years ago, the historical perspective shows that immigrants did not seek to leave their country with as much obstinacy as today : this possibility of departure was still open, but as a "possible solution" among others, and not exclusively.  INCLUDEPICTURE "http://www.google.fr/images/cleardot.gif" \* MERGEFORMATINET  3. A Legal Aspect: A brief approach of the laws studied in the research 3.1 "The Spirit of Laws: attitudes toward immigrants. The opposition between "French citizen" and "the foreigner" is a major structuring principles of the state nation, which has developed a structure since the nineteenth century on the basis of a body of legislative texts legislation assigning the foreigners a status on their own. For Alexis Spire, a researcher at CNRS, multiple bureaucratic principles emerge. All correspond to three conceptions of the notion of defending the state interests, which have emerged at different times: a principle of police, workforce and a sense of population. The oldest of these principles we can call the police, appeared in late nineteenth century with the adoption of the first laws on the expulsion of foreigners. The foreigner is apprehended as a potential threat: embodying the vagrant of offender, political activist suspected of allegiance to a foreign power ... The principle of workforce emerged in the late nineteenth century, and varies depending on the circumstances, between economic liberalism to provide companies with a workforce at lower cost and a desire to protect the workforce trade from the competition of foreign migrants. The principle of population was born, in the early twentieth century, driven by organizations or "experts" who intend to move the social issue of the political field to the one of demography. A fourth principle has emerged recently and can be described as humanitarian. It aims at allowing on the territory, foreigners because of the risk of persecution in their countries of origin, family status or state of health. 3.2 The practical aspects today: laws, limits opportunities. In recent times, the issue of immigration has become an object of politicization, a recurring issue in every election. One of the clearest signs of the reformulation of a social issue in the political field is "legislative inflation" of texts: between 1980 and 2006, the legal framework on the entry and stay of foreigners has been amended more than 27 times. One of the most important steps is the law of July 17, 1984, which recognizes the sustainability of immigration putting an end to the duality between residence permits and work permits, establishing a ten-year residence associated with the right to practise the profession of their choice. It symbolizes a certain political consensus (the law was adopted unanimously) based on opposition between two categories of foreigners: the "immigrants" we must promote the integration of, and the "illegal", that must be taken away from the national territory. In practice, there is no clear demarcation between the well-assimilated people and "illegal ones", but rather a mess of administrative situations, which depending on market conditions, could make the migrant move from one category to another. Indeed, if the regulations control today in very restrictive way the conditions of entry and residence in France, it leaves the administration wide powers of interpretations so much that it gives rise to strong disparities in treatment from a department to another one. 3.3 Sources: Some laws of reference Called "law on nationality of the June 26, 1889 Decree of April 2, 1917 "establishing an identity card for foreigners. Decree of April 21, 1917 establishing the identity card specific "foreign worker". Act of August 10, 1927 "Nationality" Order of October 19, 1945 "code on the French nationality." Order of November 2, 1945 on the conditions of entry and residence of foreigners in France and establishing the ONI. Laws called "Pasqua Debre 1986 1993 1997. 4. The experience of immigration: an overview of the documents collected during the research. The documents collected during this work are of different natures. First and foremost, official documents such as receipt of citizenship statement, naturalization decrees, marriage certificates ... documents preserved in family archives since sometimes three generations. Other official documents have been listed on Internet sites dedicated to the history of immigration. Other data, from public institutes have been collected, including national or regional statistics data, or studies on immigration and integration of different waves of immigrants. Finally, many private documents, often available on websites, such as photographs or testimony. 4.1 Regions that are concerned The documents that were collected are mainly national, even if immigration has particularly affected certain regions. The case study, for example the regional one, focused particularly on the Nord- Pas de Calais, one of the two richest grounds of immigration, with the eastern region, whatever the Historical period from the mid-twentieth century to the present day: bordering migration with a strong community of Belgians, then Europeans: Poles and Italians, Portugueses, and finally North Africans and Africans to name only the main nationalities / regions of immigration. Other regions were studied; a site like the city of Besanon (Doubs department, region of Franche Comt), Besanon migration, history and memory is particularly rich: http://migrations.besancon.fr/index. php? option = com_content & task = view & id = 24 & Itemid = 41 5. What are the realities highlighted by the collected documents. The documents collected show two realities: that of labour and the family. Most migrants, except for political refugees (such as people who left Cambodia during the takeover by the Khmer Rouge in 1975, or who fled Laos and South Vietnam that year), arrived for labour issues. This trace is present in work contracts, or even the identity card of "foreign workers" created in 1917. The naturalization and the will to stay in the host countries appear very often with marriage and the birth of children on the French soil. The school was a vector of integration. The other family principle, which emerged in the1970s, is more the one of family reunification. To a lesser extent, we find, especially in interviews, the importance of having been a member of the family, brother, uncle, in a given region or country, facilitating the "choice" of destination. Cultural integration is often difficult at the beginning, but evolved gradually, especially during the arrival at adulthood of the 2nd generation. Taking the example of Polish immigration in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, the fourth generation has very often only the family name that recalls its origin (a report of the prefect of Pas de Calais to the Minister of Interior dated October 11, 1929 answered the question "What is the ability of Polish immigrant to assimilate the answer is clear: none at present, at least "-quoted in J. Ponty Immigration in the texts, Belin, 2003 -). The integration of immigrants from North Africa seems to be more difficult (see the Algerian example). 5.1 The Inteviews In the interviews, we may notice many common points, starting with the reasons for leaving better living conditions, areal job to maintain a family or escaping a political regime. Once arrived, there is the accommodation issue which is often cause of big delusion. In this issue is very important the help of the immigrant community already on place, and also that of the Red Cross. Often, for the Italians one member of the family was already emigrated and prepared the arrival of the other components. After the arrival and the work, it is the time for the integration. Also here it is very important, especially for the Italians, the help of the immigrant community. This integration pass through the learning of the local language, often not know at the arrival, and through the social life: pubs, free time activities, school of the children... where the xenophobic moments have occurred but disappeared with the time. As a consequence the immigrant belongs more and more to the new country, even if a link with the country of origin in maintained. The majority of the interviewed feels close to French people and wish to stay for the sake of their children, here much more scholarized than in their country of origin. 5.2 Integration For the last immigrants, after 1980, the issue of integration came out often, even for the second and third generation. Integration policy, principally for work and language training, is today more active than it was for 20 years. The Welcoming and Integrating contract was expanded in 2007 to all new immigrants to impose a civic and linguistic training. An example: the unemployment rate of people related to the diploma: higher is the education level, harder are the chances to find a job. 12,9% unemployed immigrants with a diploma Vs the 3,7% of non immigrants (numbers form Le Monde, December 4th 2009). This difference is explained by the racial discrimination which halt the integration of immigrants especially from Maghreb of Sub-Saharan Africa. The integration of women is still today quite difficult. We can quote the original initiative of LELA (Liaisons Europennes pour lIntgration et lAutonomisation - European Legacy for Integration and Emancipation) which allow women to acquire tools for a better social and working integration. The project takes place in Lille (France), Lige (Belgium) and Torino (Italy). It will give literacy courses and will guide the immigrants through the different works. In Lige there will be special focus on inter-cultural and professional competences of immigrant women, while in Torino the aim will be to combine at best the family with their working life.  Laffort Bruno (dir.), Regards croiss. Limmigration dans le Nord/Pas-de-Calais, page 21.  Histoire et mmoire des immigrations dans le Nord/Pas-de-Calais, 19e-20e sicles. Synthse du rapport final, sous la dir. de Judith Rainhorn. Appel doffre de lACSE, Histoire et mmoires des immigrations en rgions. Mai 2007, 13 pages.  In Regards croiss, (op. cit.), page22  Histoire et mmoire des immigrations dans le Nord/Pas-de-Calais (op. cit.), page11  Histoire et mmoire des immigrations dans le Nord/Pas-de-Calais (op. cit.), page11  Histoire et mmoire des immigrations dans le Nord/Pas-de-Calais (op. cit.), page11  Limmigration des intellectuels marocains en France. 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